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Endnotes This statement about the valuable 5077 that medicine could play in the sustainment of the Franco regime has also been indicated for the case of Hitler’s Germany. The doctors ce the Institute were aware of the support they were receiving from Franco’s regime and they took advantage of it to demand greater presence in the working environment. Deceeto ” Caudillo ” emphasised that nothing would be identified more closely to the concepts that guided the ” Nuevo Estado ” than the tasks developed at the conference, which he considered were aimed at “strengthening work ethics”.

In effect, during the Franco regime occupational medicine worked as a “discipline” which contributed to exercise a form of “bio-power” over the “productores”. Congreso Nacional de Medicina y Seguridad en edcreto Trabajo. Consequently, the new political regime stated that it was committed to exercising “a constant and efficient action to defend the worker, his life and his work” Declaration 2.

Second, the direct victims of work accidents could be considered, according to the law, to be responsible for their misfortune.

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Additionally, as it insisted on the cost that disability had for the national ve, it stimulated a view of disabled people as a burden for the public coffers. He would also be considered as someone who had not behaved as he should with regard to himself and others. It was an insurance to which all employed workers had to subscribe, the costs of which were paid for by the employers.

This is the point where the rhetoric resorted to religious metaphors to emphasise the obligatory nature of fulfilling the health and safety recommendations at decreot. In order for this task now being established as a duty for the governors to be successful, medicine was presented as an essential ally 1. This was how Spain was conceived in relation to the economy “as a gigantic syndicate of productores ” producersa term used in the ” Nuevo Estado ” to refer dedreto the “material” workers and differentiate them in this way from those “of the spirit” Ruiz Resa,p.

Their functions within the companies, as shown in its Article 4, were that of monitoring the fulfilment of the legislation regarding health and safety at work and the protection of workers’ lives and health. The relevance granted to maintain workers’ physical integrity justified the presence decreo the workplaces of some experts who could act, monitoring the damage that disability caused to the productivity.

Unlike decretl United Kingdom’s version, where due to the dominance of Keynesian macro-economic policy on governments in the immediate post war years it was crucial to establish a welfare state model that guaranteed attention for all disabled people Barnes, Mercer and Shakespeare,p. It would seem plausible to identify in these steps a wish to establish what Cambrosio called “factory panoptism”; that is to say, a set of practices aimed at monitoring the worker within the framework of the company itself and to indoctrinate him to dfcreto him less conflictive and more productive Cambrosio,p.

In Spain, the so-called National Syndicalism was the political and economic-social proposal which, using a fascist inspiration and with components taken from Catholicism, was used as a banner to promote the military uprising of and to defreto the establishment of decretl new political order: Amongst other things, the idea was to instill in the ” productor ” the value of preventing disability, particularly when it was the result of accidents at work.

Occupational medicine was therefore positioned at a highly sensitive point of the political action of the Franco regime that aimed at exercising control over citizens to make them more efficient and disciplined in the place where they performed their productive work.

Therefore, as Pickstone indicated, the “organicism” of social thought in this period echoed the “biologism” in the understanding of individuals and their connections across generations”, with the most conspicuous and controversial formulation occurring in the doctrine of degeneration and in eugenics Pickstone,p.

Using legislative documents, general and professional press and propaganda pamphlets as the main sources, this article shows how the discourse generated in relation to occupational medicine represented an essential route, not only for developing a medical model of disability in Spain, but also for exercising a specific form of biopolitics. This turned the worker into the possible bearer of a new stigma, in addition to the stigma of being labelled disabled.

The industrialisation process has been indicated as a prominent phase in the historic development of disability.

The way in which the Franco Regime valued work, and therefore how phenomena such as disability could have a negative effect on it, was used to promote occupational medicine. This same year, Franco ordered the creation of the “old age subsidy” Ley,which could be received by workers who had reached the age of sixty-five and those over sixty who suffered from “work invalidity caused by reasons independent to work accidents” Orden, This meant performing possible check-ups after absences of longer than fifteen days due to reasons not pertaining to ordinary leave, or the creation of a “true sense of prevention using suitable dissemination methods” Decreto,p.

Therefore, it is appropriate to take the Institute as a fundamental reference point to show how Spanish doctors responded to the call made to them by the ” Nuevo Estado ” to attempt to fight the challenges which, in relation to work, disability set forth for the Franco regime.

To promote efficiency, it was the doctor’s function to prevent the situations that led to the worker suspending his productive activity; to obtain the worker’s fast recovery when he decrego had to leave his work due to an accident or an occupational illness; and to increase the worker’s physical capacity to make him work harder.

Moreover the Institute had to be used to “inspire an efficient action and an effective propaganda, particularly on the subject of prevention of accidents at work” Decreto,pp. Gaceta de Madridn. Its Statutes established Art. Los valores morales del nacionalsindicalismo.

57077 the scope as a man, he upheld that the action performed by occupational medicine was that of exercising “a persistent ministry” over individuals to lift up the “Spanish spiritual level”. A total of papers were presented at this scientific meeting III Congreso,p. Initially it covered the workers with very low wages, although subsequently it was extended to all the paid “producers” and to the family members depending on them.

Therefore, justice, at least initially, impelled sharing the load of the accidents amongst everyone. Productivity, Disability and Medicine in Franco’s Spain, In its introduction, the Fuero was presented as the way in which the state began its task of carrying out the revolution 20066 which, in its opinion, Spain was waiting.

In order to develop my exposition, I will first show how the relevance that work held within the Franco regime’s ideology determined a view of disability that was shown in legislative actions and how occupational medicine was considered as a useful area to be able to reach these goals. Espacio, tiempo y forma Serie V.

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As indicated by Ellwood, although the Falangists denied the fact that their party was connected with the Italian and German totalitarian movements, the historiography has shown the presence of these relations. Not only did it involve an undesirable phenomenon due to its consequences on an individual and family level; it represented a threat for society as a whole because of the disruption that it caused in the work activity.

We must stop to analyse its contents, which are linked to other regulations prepared and proclaimed in Nazi Germany and in fascist Italy, not only to show the ideological tone that upheld it, but to identify the principles that fed the legislative actions undertaken by the Franco regime on the subject of work, and how the question of disability was included in them. To stress this last point, it was affirmed that: